
On Track
Shippers mark progress on railroad issues
Eighteen months ago, the Wisconsin Electric
Cooperative Association (WECA), parent organization of this
magazine, went public with its resistance to skyrocketing freight
railroad costs and declining quality of service. Rising energy
costs related directly to higher rail rates for hauling power-plant
fuel and less reliable deliveries were the primary concern,
but all manner of cooperative businesses dependent on bulk shipping
of raw materials or agricultural products were adversely affected.
The ill effects haven’t gone away, but
one thing that should be gone is any sense of hopelessness people
may have felt when the time came to challenge the nation’s
dominant railroad companies. Over the past year and a half,
the grassroots efforts of Wisconsin cooperative members have
begun to yield results. Co-op voices are being heard in Washington,
D.C., and, of equal importance, they’re undoubtedly being
heard by the railroads.
Regulatory policies, federal laws, and business
practices affected by them appear to be in the process of changing.
By the standards used to gauge such things, 18 months is a remarkably
short period of time in which to be able to report genuine progress.
The Springboard
Wisconsin’s electric cooperatives have
been among the leading advocates for railroad reform, and with
good reason. Almost 80 percent of them have La Crosse-based
Dairyland Power Cooperative as their wholesale supplier, and
in 2005 Dairyland learned that the following year it would face
a 93-percent aggregate increase in the rates it had been paying
to have coal delivered to its power plants by rail.
Co-ops outside the Dairyland system purchase
wholesale power from investor-owned utilities, who themselves
have experienced large shipping-rate increases and higher costs
resulting from fuel-switching forced by short or tardy coal
deliveries.
These problems translate, inevitably, into
significant retail rate increases for members of local distribution
cooperatives, and in the summer of 2005 WECA developed plans
to fight back.
The first public display of resistance came
in a September 2005 Wisconsin Energy Cooperative News cover
story detailing increased rates and anticompetitive practices
by major railroads taking advantage of “captive shippers,”
those who have no realistic competitive alternative to moving
goods by a dominant railroad.
Soon after, at the November annual meetings
of WECA, the Wisconsin Federation of Cooperatives, and Minnesota
Association of Cooperatives in Minneapolis, the National Rural
Electric Cooperative Association (NRECA) furnished a speaker
to give participants a crash course in rail issues. Co-op directors
and managers signed petitions requesting congressional action.
More such petition and letter-writing campaigns
were conducted in conjunction with distribution co-op annual
meetings, and by the spring of 2006, WECA and the Federation
of Cooperatives succeeded in recruiting the Customers First!
Coalition (CFC) to coordinate the activities of co-ops, municipal
and investor-owned utilities, and some of the state’s
biggest businesses and trade associations under the umbrella
of Badger-CURE (Consumers United for Rail Equity).
By early summer last year, Gopher-CURE was
organized in Minnesota.
The First Win
The Surface Transportation Board (STB) is the
federal agency with regulatory oversight of the nation’s
largely deregulated railroads, and for a long time, STB rulings
that favored shippers were scarce as hen’s teeth.
But at the end of January, consumers scored
a notable victory, when the STB gave the nation’s major
railroads 90 days to come up with new fuel cost-recovery practices
that treat shippers fairly and end double billing.
After considering railroads’ and shippers’
comments received since an initial hearing in May 2006, the
STB concluded that existing fuel surcharges, computed as a straight
percentage of base shipping rates, constitute “an unreasonable
practice” that fails to address actual fuel costs and
forces some shippers to subsidize others.
Railroads charge varying rates depending on
the cargo and shippers’ demand, so a surcharge boosting
all rates by an across-the-board percentage “stands virtually
no prospect of reflecting the actual increase in fuel costs”
for hauling a particular load, the board’s decision explained.
In addition, the STB ordered railroads to
stop levying on the same traffic both a fuel surcharge and shipping-rate
increases based partly on fuel costs, a practice the board also
labeled as “unreasonable” and “double dipping.”
The decision was welcome but incomplete in
the view of WECA Statewide Manager David Jenkins: “It’s
too bad the STB didn’t make the railroads refund these
overcharges. Clearly this was price-gouging, they got caught,
and there is no penalty. It’s no wonder that railroads
are realizing record profits.”
Even so, the decision serves as a conspicuous
shot across the bow for railroads that have long enjoyed a very
comfortable relationship with their regulators.
Gaining Momentum
New impetus for reform seems to be growing
in Congress as well. The 109th Congress saw bipartisan legislation
introduced to make regulatory redress before the STB more accessible—past
shipper grievances had consumed years and millions of dollars
with little success in winning rate adjustments—but the
bills went nowhere. A similar story could be told about proposals
to subject the railroads to the same antitrust laws as other
American businesses. (They were exempted by the 1980 legislation
deregulating them—when the options facing the U.S. rail
industry were pretty much to reorganize or die.)
But the upheaval of the 2006 elections changed
every committee chairmanship in both the House and Senate. In
the 110th Congress, reform proposals continue to benefit from
bipartisan support and also from a new element that may be even
more important in the long run: committee chairs who are inclined
to move them along.
Rep. James Oberstar (D–MN) co-authored
a bill to revise STB procedures in the previous Congress. He
now chairs the House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure
that reviews such proposals.
He is joined there by freshman Congressman
Steve Kagen (D–WI). Kagen succeeds former Congressman
Mark Green, who had sponsored bipartisan legislation to crack
down on anticompetitive railroad practices. In his successor,
Wisconsin obtains a voice on a committee with the power to review,
modify, and advance or kill those bills, and who, like Green,
represents a district with a large Badger-CURE constituency.
In the Senate, the Subcommittee on Antitrust,
Competition Policy, and Consumer Rights will examine railroad
competitiveness and alleged anti-competitive practices. The
subcommittee’s plans were announced jointly at the end
of January by Senators Herb Kohl (D–WI) and Orrin Hatch
(R–UT).
Now chairing the subcommittee, Kohl said the
panel would study whether shippers, communities, and small businesses
dependent on rail transportation have been victimized by the
market power of major railroads.
Kohl indicated he would continue pursuing
legislation removing the railroads’ federal antitrust
exemptions, so shippers with a grievance would have a better
chance at relief.
It’s been a busy 18 months, and Wisconsin’s
cooperative interests can rightly claim a share of credit for
getting things on track. It’s a claim that’s backed
by the co-ops’ role in assembling what’s now the
largest statewide rail reform coalition in the country.—Dave
Hoopman